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2019上半年翻译考试一级口译实务汉译英真题及参考答案

中华考试网   2019-06-24   【

第一篇 WTO改革

  和一个国家一样,任何国际组织都需要与时俱进,WTO也不例外。多哈回合久拖不决,十多年来,发达成员数千亿美元的农业补贴没有一丝一毫的削减;电子商务等新兴业态在全球市场上风生水起,WTO却未能提供任何国际规范;更严重的是,面对今天甚嚣尘上的单边主义、保护主义狂潮,WTO难以进行有效地制约。

  A country needs to keep up with the new developments, and so are the international organizations. WTO is no exception. The Doha Round has been dragging on for years. Over the past decade, the hundreds of millions of dollars in agricultural subsidies in the developed members have remained largely unchanged. But at the same time, new forms of business, such as e-commerce, have flourished across the world. WTO is not providing international norms to address any of these issues. What is even more alarming is that the organization seems to be losing effectiveness to rein in the rampage of unilateralism and protectionism.

  因此,WTO需要改革、必须改革。同时,改革必须坚持正确的方向,采取恰当的方式。

  For all these reasons, WTO needs a reform. But the reform should be in the right direction and taking the right approach.

  第一,改革必须坚持反对保护主义、单边主义的方向,必须有助于推进世界范围的贸易自由化、投资便利化进程,必须坚持非歧视的原则,必须充分发扬民主。改革不是另起炉灶,对已经制定的规则,大家都要遵守;如有人破坏,应群起反对之。

  First, the reform needs to be firmly set in the course of fighting against unilateralism and protectionism. It has to push for worldwide trade liberalization and investment facilitation. It has to stick to the principle of non-discrimination and adopt a democratic approach. Reform is not to reinvent the wheel. The existing rules must be fully respected and faithfully implemented. Reform is not an excuse for not implementing the rules, and any such attempt should be met with resistance from the members.

  新的商业领域需要新规则,也应允许部分成员,也许可从志同道合的成员开始进行探索,但要充分听取和考虑广大发展中国家的意见和需求,最终形成多边规则。

  With respect to making new rules for new forms of business activities, we should allow members, maybe starting with groups of like-minded ones, to explore these issues, but we also need to duly consider the views and needs of the developing members and fully consult with them. Only through an inclusive process, can we maybe eventually reach multilateral outcomes.

  第二,改革需要有优先顺序,循序渐进,不能好高骛远。通过成员间的协商和谈判,如果能够尽快恢复WTO争端解决机制的正常运转,如果能够在2019年如期达成渔业补贴协议,如果能在电子商务、投资便利化、中小微企业等议题的讨论上有所进展,如果能够在透明度等问题上也做出一些改善,对于将于2020年举行的第12届WTO贸易部长会议来说,已是功莫大焉。在上述领域的改革中,中国愿意发挥积极的、建设性的作用,并做出与自身能力相称的贡献。

  Second, we need to prioritize and take a step-by-step approach, and stay away from moonshot targets. If, through consultations and negotiations among the members, we could expeditiously restore the proper functioning of the dispute settlement mechanism, achieve an agreement on fishery subsidies in 2019 as we planned, make progress on the new topics such as e-commerce, investment facilitation and MSMEs, make improvements in terms of transparency. If we can achieve these targets at the MC12 in 2020, I think we can already call it a success. China is willing to play a proactive and constructive role, and to make contributions within its capacities.

  有人把WTO比喻成为一个患了严重疾病的人,如果是这样的话,做出正确诊断比匆忙开出药方更重要。今天的讨论可以算是一次医生的集体会诊,类似的会诊也许会以不同的方式进行多次,直到我们确认真正的病源是什么,然后再对症下药。

  People sometimes say that the WTO is a patient in a critical state with multiple failing organs. If that is the case, urgently resorting the functioning of the organs and making the right diagnostics of the illness is more important that rushing to give prescriptions. Today’s discussion might be a group consultation of doctors to identify what is the cause of the illness and work on a plan for proper treatment. We might have many such group consultations in different formats so that we can have the right understanding of the issues and provide the right solutions.

  我们每个人都知道WTO的危机来自何方。任何一个国家或者个人对WTO的态度,都只是WTO改革的背景,而不是改革的原因。当然我们必须要做最坏的打算,但我不想针对假设性的问题花费过多的时间。我只想说,我们会在自己的能力和职责范围内,努力推动正确的WTO改革。

  We all know where the crisis of WTO comes from, but whatever a particular country or a particular individual thinks about the WTO, it can only serve as the context rather than the reason for the reform of the WTO. Of course, we have to prepare for the worst, but I don’t want to spend too much time on hypothetical scenarios. I just want to say that we will, within our capacities and responsibilities, work hard to push for the right reform of the WTO.

  题目来源: 中国常驻世界贸易组织代表团张向晨大使在法国经济财政部、外交部组织的研讨会午餐时的发言

第二篇 “一带一路”倡议

  “一带一路”倡议提出以来,许多国家都将其视为和中国合作的机会和平台。但是也有批评认为,中国的“一带一路”所提供的的贷款,加大了例如斯里兰卡等国的债务,使他们无力偿还。 但是一带一路倡议实施仅仅五年,中国是国际投融资市场的后来者。中国公司走出去,在国外投资也有限。

  Many countries see the BRI as an opportunity and a platform for closer cooperation with China. One criticism that people have raised is the idea of debt. The idea that many of the loans or the investments involved loans from China to the countries like Sri Lanka may make them take on too much debt and they won't be able to fund them. China is a latecomer in international investment and financing markets. It's just been five years since the BRI was put forward. And it hasn't been that many years since Chinese companies started to explore the global market.

  根据斯里兰卡中央银行的统计数据,2017年中国的贷款仅占斯里兰卡外债的10%左右,其中 60%是低于国际市场利率的优惠贷款。因此,很明显,斯里兰卡外债负担,并不是中国的责任。实际上债务有很多因素构成,包括一个国家的历史旧账、国际经济环境的变化,包括储备货币上涨、其他国家利率上调、大宗商品价格的下降等。

  According to the 2017 annual report issued by its central bank, Sri Lanka's total foreign debt is over US$50 billion. China only accounts for about 10%. Plus, over 60% of Chinese loans are concessional loans, with an interest rate much lower than the international level. The cause for debt is complicated and involves many factors, including economic fundamentals, historical debt baggage, or changing international and economic environment like rising protectionism, interest rates hike in some advanced economies, appreciation of major reserve currencies as well as plummeting commodity prices.

  斯里兰卡的港口建设,实际上是斯里兰卡邀请中方进行的。斯里兰卡一直希望打造全球性的物流和仓储中心,但是因为内乱和战争, 始终没有如愿。如今斯里兰卡局势稳定,因此希望中国参与建设。一开始中国企业不了解当地局势,也有很多犹豫,最后经过大量研究、探讨,双方终于达成共识,组建合资企业,股权共有。 但是我要强调的是,港口的主权和所有权都属于斯里兰卡,建设完成后,如果斯里兰卡觉得有必要,可以购回股权。

  About the Hambantota port, the project was built and run at the request of the Sri Lankan side. For years, Sri Lanka had hoped to make good use of its geographical location and build the country into a logistic and warehouse hub in the Indian ocean. In the past, because of civil war and conflict, they were unable to do so. Now the situation is stable, to build an international port is back on their agenda. And they looked for help from China. The idea of the operation right also came from the Sri Lankan side. The Chinese company was hesitant at first because they were not familiar with such situation. After careful studies and rounds of consultation and negotiation, the Chinese company overcame difficulties and reached agreement with the Sri Lankan side to set up two joint ventures, and had acquired corresponding stakes. I want to stress that the sovereignty over and ownership of the Hambantota port belong to Sri Lanka throughout the process. When it is done, if it so needs, Sri Lanka can repurchase part of or all stakes from the Chinese company until it takes it all back.

  也有人将“一带一路”与马歇尔计划相比较。“一带一路”与马歇尔计划有相似之处,它们都是在和平时期促进基础设施发展的倡议。但是“一带一路”与马歇尔计划存在本质区别。首先一带一路”比“马歇尔计划”既古老得多,又年轻得多。说古老,是因为“一带一路”传承着具有两千多年历史的古代丝绸之路精神,是古代丝绸之路精神的现代版本。说年轻,是因为“一带一路”诞生于全球化时代,是开放合作的产物,不是地缘政治的工具,不同于马歇尔计划,因为它诞生于冷战期间,是美苏争霸的产物。其次,“一带一路”重在强调不同国家间的相互交流和互联互通。

  Some compare the Belt and Road Initiative to the Marshall plan. It may appear that the two initiatives have something in common, as they are both about investment in infrastructure in peacetime. But other than that, they cannot be more different. First, time-line wise, the Belt and Road Initiative ( BRI ) is older and also younger than the Marshall Plan. Older because it draws inspiration from the spirit of the ancient Silk Road with over 2000 years of history, hence the modern version of the Silk Road. It is younger than the Marshall plan, because it was conceived in the 21st century, an era of globalization, and born out of opening-up and cooperation. Secondly, the Marshall Plan was introduced during the Cold War dominated by rivalry between the United States and the former Soviet Union. Therefore it had clear geopolitical and ideological goals. The BRI, on the other hand, focuses on economic cooperation and connectivity.

  题目来源:2018年9月10日外交部副部长乐玉成接受英国《金融时报》亚洲版总编吉密欧专访就“一带一路”倡议有关问题阐述了中方政策立场

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